Taraf - Istanbul - 10.07.2010
GÜNAY ASLAN * / TC ile PKK arasındaki ilk görüşmeler PKK’nin 1984’teki Eruh ve Şemdinli baskınlarından sonra başladı. Görevli albaylar hapisteki PKK’lilerle görüştü.
Türkiye kritik bir eşikten geçiyor. 25 yılı ‘düşük yoğunluklu çatışmayla’ geçen Kürt sorunu günümüzde ‘Türk-Kürt boğazlaşmasının’ işaretlerini veriyor. Süreç, bu ülkenin kaderinde söz sahibi olan herkesi Kürt meselesinde yeni bir karar almanın eşiğine getirmiş bulunuyor.
Ne ki tablo hiç de iç açıcı görünmüyor. Türkiye’nin Genelkurmay Başkanı Orgeneral Başbuğ, ‘sözün bittiği yerde’ olduklarını söylüyor. Kuzeyi güneyiyle; parlamenteri bölge yöneticisiyle Kürtleri tehdit ediyor. AKP Hükümeti hem generalden yana hem değilmiş gibi bir tutum izliyor. İktidar her zamanki gibi ‘ortayolculuk’ yapıyor. Ana muhalefet partisi CHP sistemin kendisine vurduğu prangaları çözemiyor. Devletin partisi olmaktan çıkıp halkın partisi haline gelemiyor. MHP ise ‘olağanüstü hâl ilan edilmesi’ ve ‘Kandil’e kara harekâtı yapılması’ için bastırıyor. BDP bunlara karşı ‘barış ve demokrasi’ mücadelesi veriyor.
Sivil toplum örgütleri, yazarlar, aydınlar ve sıradan insanlarsa akan kanın durmasını, herkesi tüketen kirli savaşın sonlanmasını istiyor. Kamuoyunun dikkatleri bu amaçla yeniden Öcalan’a ve PKK’ye çevrilmiş bulunuyor. Türkiye toplumunun ezici çoğunluğu PKK’den yeni bir ‘ateşkes’ bekliyor. Öcalan ve PKK’yse bunun ‘çift taraflı’ olmasında ısrar ediyor. Kürt tarafı ordunun operasyonlarına son vermesi gerektiğini söylüyor. Aksi durumda zaten ateşkesin pek bir anlamı olmuyor.
Bu kritik süreçte en çok da ‘PKK’yle görüşme’ meselesi tartışılıyor. Kimileri bunu destekliyor, kimileriyse karşı çıkıyor. Karşı çıkanlar böyle bir şeyin ‘asla mümkün olamayacağını, devletin PKK’yle pazarlığa oturamayacağını’ söylüyor.
Bu yazımda, düşük yoğunluklu çatışmayla’ geçmiş son 25-26 yılda Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti (TC) ile Kürdistan İşçi Partisi (PKK) arasındaki açık-gizli görüşmeleri yazacağım. Tarihlerini, aktörlerini ve içeriklerini vererek -özeleyazacağım. Ayrıca her görüşme veya ateşkes sonrası gündeme gelen bazı olayları dikkatinize sunacağım.
Taraf gazetesinden Yıldıray Oğur bu konuda iki yazı kaleme aldı. (6 ve 8 Temmuz). Oğur yazılarında PKK’nin 1 Eylül 1998 tarihinde ilân ettiği ateşkes sürecini yazdı. Bunu da 28 Şubat süreciyle irtibatlandırdı. İlk yazısı için ‘Genelkurmay- PKK dayanışması’ başlığını kullandı. Ancak ikinci yazısında ‘dayanışmanın’ yerini ‘görüşme’ aldı.
Objektif olanın ‘görüşme’ olduğuna inanıyorum. Genelkurmay ile PKK arasında ‘dayanışma’ olduğunu söylemek doğru değildir. Kaldı ki Kürtlerin haklı insani; ulusal ve demokratik mücadelelerine ‘Ergenekon gölgesi’ düşürmek, Ergenekon mağduru Kürtleri son derece üzmektedir. Ayrıca bu sorunun barışçıl çözümüne zarar vermektedir.
Elbette varsa bir belge veya bilgi açıklanmalıdır. PKK ve Öcalan’ın bu konudaki tutumları açıktır. PKK birçok kez ‘varsa bildiğiniz, açıklayın’ demiştir. Öcalan, Ergenekon savcılarına birçok dilekçe göndermiştir. Ancak bunlar görmezden gelinmiştir.
TC ile PKK arasında neredeyse 25 yıl öncesinden başlayan ve günümüze kadar devam eden bir dizi görüşme yapılmıştır. Bunların çoğunun içeriği ve sonuçları PKK tarafından yayınlanmıştır.
Türk devleti Türkiye toplumunun balık hafızalı yapısından yararlanıyor. Bu yüzden ‘görüşmem’ ve ‘muhatap almam’ diyor. Fakat, arşivler farklı şeyler söylüyor. Arşivler neredeyse bu savaş başladığından bu yana TC ile PKK arasında ‘görüşmeler’ yapıldığına işaret ediyor. Doğrusu TC ile PKK arasında bu kadar çok görüşmenin yapılmış olması beni şaşırtmıyor.
Çünkü bu, devletin soruna verdiğini önemi ve ‘çok boyutlu’ çalıştığını gösteriyor. Fakat bu görüşmelere rağmen sorunu neden çöz(e)mediği sorusunu da yanıtlamak gerekiyor. Kanımca bunun yanıtını Türkiye’nin ‘irade parçalanması’ ve ‘sorunun uluslararasılaşmasında’ aramak gerekiyor.
Görüşmelerin tarihleri ve aktörleri
TC ile PKK arasındaki ilk görüşmeler PKK’nin 15 Ağustos 1984’teki Eruh ve Şemdinli baskınlarından sonra başladı! Genelkurmay’ın görevlendirdiği birçok subay cezaevinde bulunan PKK yöneticileriyle görüştü. Çoğu albay rütbesindeki bu subaylar periyodik olarak PKK’lilerle ‘Kürt sorununun nasıl çözüleceğine ilişkin’ tartışmalar yürüttüler. Bunlar elbette ‘resmî’ görüşmeler değildi. Bu yüzden tutanak düzenlenmedi.
1988-1991 arasında ise devlet, Öcalan’a ‘aracılar’ gönderdi. Bunların hiçbiri resmî devlet görevlisi değildi. Öcalan bu yüzden basına ‘devlet çekinmesin, bir subayını göndersin, görüşelim’ demecini verdi.
Devlet subay yerine Talabani’yi gönderdi. 1993 yılı başında Cumhurbaşkanı Özal, şimdi Irak’ın Cumhurbaşkanı olan Celal Talabani’yi Öcalan’a gönderdi. Öcalan, Özal’ın önerisiyle 17 Mart 1993’te 25 günlük ateşkes ilan etti. 16 Nisan’da ise yine Özal’ın önerisiyle ateşkesi süresiz olarak uzattı.
Ne var ki 17 Nisan günü Özal şüpheli bir ölümle hayata veda etti. Ateşkes de PKK’nin 33 askeri öldürdüğü ‘Bingöl eylemiyle’ sona erdi. Başbuğ, geçenlerde, o dönem Bakü- Ceyhan boru hattı gündemdeydi, bu eylem o projeyi sabote etmeye yönelikti’ dedi.
Ancak, PKK’nin tek taraflı ateşkesine rağmen gerillaya dönük operasyonların neden devam ettirildiğine ve PKK’nin ‘misilleme’ kararına rağmen, 33 askeri silahsız ve korumasız neden gönderdiklerine değinmedi. Askerleri neredeyse zoraki yola çıkaran komutanın Ergenekon sanığı olarak Silivri’de yattığını da söylemedi!
İkinci öneri Çiller’den geldi
1995 yılında bu kez Çiller devreye girdi. Başbakan Tansu Çiller savunma eski bakanlarından Ercan Vurulhan’ı danışmanlık görevine getirmişti. Vuralhan, 1995 Mart’ının ilk haftasında Avrupa’da gizlice görüştüğü Talabani’ye Çiller’den bir mesaj getirdi. Çiller mesajında, Öcalan’dan ‘ateşkes’ talep ediyordu. Vuralhan’ı Ankara’ya yolculayan Talabani 14 Mart 1995 tarihinde yazdığı bir mektupla bunu Öcalan’a iletti. ‘Tansu Çiller, siyasi bir çözümün peşindedir ‘ diye de ekledi.
Talabani mektubunda Çiller’in taleplerine de yer vermişti. Buna göre, ‘ PKK önce bir yıl sürecek bir ateşkes ilan etmeli, bu süre içinde şiddet eylemlerine girişmemeli ve terörden vazgeçtiğini ilan etmeli’ydi!
PKK lideri Öcalan, Çiller’e -Talabani üzerinden- bir mektup gönderdi. Önce ‘diyalog’ istedi. ‘Halka yönelik saldırılardan uzak durulması, PKK’ye dönük operasyonlardan kaçınılması halinde ateşkes ilan etmeye hazırım’ dedi.
Çiller’in koalisyon ortağı SHP’nin eski Dışileri Bakanı Hikmet Çetin de işin içindeydi. Çetin, Londra’da yaşayan gazeteci Kamuran Karadağ’ı kendine ‘aracı’ seçmişti. O da ‘devleti adına’ üstelik, ‘siyasal çözüm için PKK’nin savaşı sonlandırmasını’ istemişti.
Öcalan, 11 Mayıs 1995 tarihinde Çetin’e de bir mektup gönderdi. Yine ‘karşılıklı diyalog’ istedi. ‘Çözüme ilişkin girişimlerinize anlamlı karşılık vereceğim’ de dedi. Bu karşılık yıl sonunda geldi.
PKK lideri, 15 Aralık 1995 tarihinde MED TV’den canlı olarak yayınlanan, moderatörlüğünü yaptığım programda ateşkes ilan etti.
Ne var ki az kalsın uydumuz düşecekti. Zira, canlı yayın boyunca Türkiye’deki askerî bir üsten (Çanakkale) televizyonumuzun yayın yaptığı uyduya korsan sinyaller gönderilmekteydi. Buna rağmen karar ilan edildi. PKK ikinci kez ateşkes ilan etmiş, çatışmalara tek yanlı son vermişti.
Fakat bunun hemen arkasından Güçlükonak katliamı geldi. 16 Ocak 1996’da Güçlükonak’ta bir minibüs önce tarandı, sonra da yakıldı. Olayda 11 Kürt köylüsü hayatını kaybetti. Genelkurmay hemen bir açıklama yaparak ‘eylemi PKK yaptı’ dedi. Ancak gerçek kısa sürede ortaya çıktı; fail Jitem’di!
Arkasından ‘Öcalan’a suikast’ haberi geldi. Çiller bunun için, dönemin Emniyet Genel Müdürü Mehmet Ağar ile Ergenekon sanığı, emniyet eski Özel Harekât Başkan Vekili İbrahim Şahin’i görevlendirmişti.
Çiller gitti, Yılmaz geldi, ‘aracı’ değişti
Çiller ‘ateşkes’ istemiş, Öcalan ‘karşılıklı diyalog’ demiş,ardından önce ateşkes, sonra suikast girişimi gelmişti. 1995 seçimlerinden sonra DYP-SHP Hükümeti’nin yerini ANAP-DYP Hükümeti aldı. Şimdi Mesut Yılmaz başbakandı.
Yılmaz da diğer liderler gibi Kürt sorununun yarattığı sorunların altında eziliyordu. Soluk almak, aldırmak istiyordu. Görevi devralır almaz o da PKK’nin kapısını çaldı. Başbakan Yılmaz’ın ‘özel danışmanı’ yazar Alev Alatlı bu amaçla Avrupa’ya çıkarma yaptı.
Alatlı 16 Nisan 1996 günü Brüksel’de PKK’nin Avrupa sorumlusu Abdurrahman Çadırcı’yla buluştu. Alev Hanım, sorunun siyasal çözümü için ‘yapılması gerekenleri konuşmaya’ gelmişti. Alatlı, Çadırcı’nın sorusu üzerine bu görüşmeden Genelkurmay’ın haberdar olduğunu söyledi.
Görüşmelerin ilk turu ‘başarılı’ geçti. Alatlı ikinci gelişinde Öcalan’a gidecekti. Taraflar belli aralıklarla görüşmelere davam edeceklerdi. Fakat bu kez yeni bir suikast girişimi gerçekleşti! 6 Mayıs 1996 günü Şam’daki PKK okulunun yakınlarında C-4 patlayıcılarla dolu bir minibüs infilak ettirildi. Eylemi Yeşil örgütlemişti. Minibüsün bırakıldığı yer Öcalan’ın geçiş güzergâhıydı. Öcalan o esnada okulda değildi ama mesaj verilmişti.
Öcalan o gece yaptığı televizyon konuşmasında ‘biz barış, kardeşlik diyoruz, bu savaşı bitirelim diyoruz, karşılığında bomba alıyoruz’ dedi. Öcalan’ın suikast girişiminden Yılmaz’ı sorumlu tutması üzerine Alatlı bir daha PKK’ye gel(e)medi.
Netanyahu-Karadayı görüşmesi ve Erbakan’ın mektubu
Türkiye’de siyasi istikrar sağlanamıyor, hükümetin biri gidiyor, diğeri geliyordu. ANAP-DYP Hükümeti yürümeyince Refahyol hükümeti kuruldu. Erbakan Başbakan, Çiller yardımcısı oldu. Erbakan hükümeti kurar kurmaz karşısında askeri buldu. - Genelkurmay Başkanlığı hükümetin önüne ‘İsrail’le ikili askerî anlaşmalar’ dosyasını koydu.
Genelkurmay Başkanı Karadayı İsrail’e gitmişti. İsrail’de başbakanlık koltuğunda şimdiki Başbakan Netanyahu oturuyordu. Karadayı o ziyarette (25 Şubat 1997) birçok askerî anlaşmaya imza atmıştı. Hükümete bu anlaşmaların içeriği dahi açıklanmamıştı. Hükümet yine de önüne konan bütün dosyaları onayladı.
Ordu, yeni bir Milli Askerî Stratejik Konsept (MASK) hazırladı. Buna göre ‘dış tehditin’ adresi Suriye ve İran’dı. Ardından (Kasım,1997) Milli Güvenlik Siyaset Belgesi (MGSB) değiştirildi. Belgede ‘siyasal İslam baş düşman’ gösterildi.
Ordunun bunları yaptığı günlerde Erbakan Öcalan’a mektup gönderdi. ‘Şiddet dursun, Kürt kardeşlerimizle sorunları konuşarak çözelim’ dedi. Öcalan, Erbakan’a olumlu yanıt verdi. Bunun ardından Erbakan bir yazarı ve bir milletvekilini ‘aracı’ olarak gönderdi.
Erbakan mektubunu ‘resmî’ yollardan, Suriye yönetimi üzerinden göndermişti. Ve Genelkurmay’ın bilgisi dahilindeydi. Oysa Erbakan Öcalan’a mektup yazdığı tarihte Genelkurmay ile PKK zaten görüşüyordu. Başbakan’ın bundan haberi olmadığı anlaşılıyordu.
Genelkurmay doğrudan devreye giriyor
Evet, askerî kanaldan görüşme devam etmekteydi. Bu kez PKK’nin kapısını asker çalmıştı. Bir Kürt işadamının referansıyla Avrupa’ya gelen Genelkurmay Toplumsal İlişkiler Dairesi’nden Kurmay Albay H. D, PKK ‘nin Avrupa sorumlusu Şahin Çilo’yla biraraya gelmişti. Genelkurmay geçen yıl da nabız yoklamıştı. Şimdi iki cepheden birden görüşme halindeydi. Bir albay Avrupa’ya, bir albay da PKK’nin cezaevi sorumlusu Sabri Ok’a gönderilmişti. Bu görüşmelere avukat Selim Okçuoğlu aracılık etmişti.
Genelkurmay, ‘yeni komuta kademesine fırsat verilmesini’ istemekte ve ‘kapsamlı bir dönüşümden’ söz etmektedir. ‘Devlet değişecek, her şey düzelecek ve işler yoluna girecek’ demektedir. PKK de bu tarihsel süreçte ‘devleti dönüştürmek için üzerine düşeni yerine getirmelidir.’
Buna göre ilk aşamada ateşkes ilan etmelidir. İkinci aşamada siyasi taleplerini gözden geçirmeli, bölünmeye yol açacak taleplerini geri çekmeli ve birlikte çözümü benimsemelidir. PKK; Türk-Kürt kardeşliğini esas alan 1920 ruhunun yenilenmesi için gayret göstermelidir. Genelkurmay’dan gelen mesaja göre üçüncü aşama ise geçmiş muhasebesidir. Karşılık olarak yapılan hatalarla yüzleşilecektir!
PKK, buna karşılık ; operasyonlar durmalı, koruculuk sistemi ve Jitem dağıtılmalı, medya üzerindeki ambargo kaldırılmalı, barışçıl çözümün koşulları sağlanmalı ve genel af için hazırlık yapılmalıdır’ demiştir. Genelkurmay bunlara ‘evet’ demiş ve süreç içinde yerine getireceğini söylemiştir. TSK-PKK görüşmeleri bu zeminde devam etmiştir.
MED TV’de her pazar akşamı hazırlayıp sunduğum ve Öcalan’ın telefonla katıldığı programda bu süreç yoğun olarak işlenmiştir. Öcalan bu görüşmelerden çok ciddi sonuçlar çıkacağından emin değildi. Aksine temkinliydi. Zira, 1993’ten bu yanan yaşananlar gözler önündeydi. Yine de kestirip atmak istemiyordu.
O günlerde MED TV’de programlara da katılan Yalçın Küçük, ‘Genelkurmay’dan bugünlerde PKK için önemli bir açıklama gelecek’ bilgisini verdi. Çok geçmeden de açıklama geldi. Dönemin Deniz Kuvvetleri Komutanı Oramiral Güven Erkaya, 5 Şubat 1998 günü, ‘irticanın PKK’den daha tehlikeli olduğunu’ söyledi!
Belli ki Türkiye yeni bir döneme girmişti. Şimdi ‘irticayla mücadele’ öne çıkmıştı. Öcalan’a söylenen ordunun ‘yeni bir Türkiye kuracağı’ydı. Gelen mesajlar bu yöndeydi. Kaldı ki siyasal olaylar da buna işaret etmekteydi.
Öcalan o süreçte, Türk-Kürt kardeşliği temelinde Cumhuriyet’in kuruluş sürecini işledi. Kemalist devrimin önemine dikkat çekti ve her fırsatta, ‘yeni Türkiye’yi birlikte kurmaya hazırız’ dedi.
28 Şubat sürecinde yaşananlar
1998’le birlikte Kürt sorunu gündemden düşmüş, ‘irtica’ meselesi öne çıkmıştı. 28 Şubat’ta MGK toplanmış, ‘laiklik’ vurgusu yapmıştı. 21 Mayıs’ta Refah Partisi’nin kapatılması için dava açılmış, 17 Haziran’da Erbakan istifa ederek, başbakanlıktan ayrılmıştı.
Bütün bu gelişmeleri yakından izlemiş, tartışmıştık. Ordu bir adım atınca Öcalan da bir adım atıyordu. Ordu, ‘PKK asıl tehdit değil derken, Öcalan, Kemalist devrimin tamamlanması gerektiğini söylüyordu. Bu tür paslaşmalar oluyordu ancak pratikte bunun tersi yaşanıyordu.
Savaş devam ediyor, can kayıpları yaşanıyordu. Ayrıca Şemdin Sakık’ın yakalanmasından sonra (13 Nisan 98) Türkiye, Suriye üzerindeki baskılarını arttırmaya başlamıştı.
30 Haziran’da Mesut Yılmaz’ın başbakanlığında yeni bir hükümet kuruldu. Temmuz’un ilk haftası Yıldız Şimşir arkadaşımla birlikte MED TV’de ‘özel ‘bir program yaptık. Öcalan yine telefonla katıldı. Ancak bir telefon konuğumuz daha olacaktı. Ankara’dan katılacaktı. Ankara’dan katılacak olan görüşmeleri yönlendiren kişi olacaktı.
Programı açtık, PKK liderini aldık ve süreci tartıştık ancak Ankara’dan kimse bağlanmadı. Beklediğimiz kişi faks göndermişti. Faksı alıp, okudum. Faks adı sanı duyulmamış bir haber ajansının antetli kağıdıyla gönderilmişti.Yanılmıyorsam Ankara Ay Ajans’tı. Faks mesajında sorunun çözümü konusunda bilinen öneriler tekrarlandıktan sonra, ‘bu sorunun çözülmesi için Öcalan’ın bulunduğu yerden çıkması gerektiği’ söyleniyordu.
Faksı okuduktan sonra sözü Öcalan’a verdim. Öcalan, ‘eğer Ankara çözüm konusunda yeterli irade gösterirse biz burayı ikna ederiz. Bulunduğumuz alan diplomatik sorun edilmemeli, bu alana baskı yapılmamalı ‘ yanıtını verdi. Bir faks daha geldi. İkinci faksta, ‘Öcalan Suriye’de oldukça çözüm olmayacaktır’ yazıyordu.
Gidişatta bir terslik olduğu belliydi. O fakslar MED TV’nin arşivinde olmalı. Faks numaralarını araştırdık ancak sonuç alamadık. Öyle bir hat sanki hiç açılmamıştı! Ancak o ajansın adıyla birkaç hafta sonra bu kez Kıbrıs Türkleriyle ilgili bir haberde karşılaşmıştım.
1 Eylül 1998 ateşkesi
Öcalan karşı tarafın ikili oynadığından kuşkulanıyordu. Bu kuşkusunu yakın çevresiyle paylaşıyor ve tartışıyordu. Acele bir ateşkes kararı vermek istemiyordu. Bu arada mesajlar gelmeye devam ediyordu. Temmuz sonunda bu kez Yalçın Küçük Hoca’yla birlikte ‘özel’ bir program yaptık. Hoca, önceden bana , ‘bu programa iyi hazırlanalım Genelkurmay Karargâhı’ndan izleyecekler’ dedi. Aynı bilgi Öcalan’a da gitmişti.
Programı açtıktan sonra ilk sözü sözü stüdyodaki Yalçın Hoca’ya verdim. Yalçın Küçük,’biliyorum, bu gece paşalarımız bizi izliyor’ dedi ve uzun bir değerlendirme yaptı. Hoca’ya göre Ankara’da, özellikle ordu içinde ‘farklı düşünenler’ vardı. Bu programda söyledikleri onların kaygılarını gidermek amaçlıydı!
Tabii, Yalçın Hoca konusunda Öcalan’ın ve bizim düşüncelerimiz netti. Hoca’nın ordu içinde ilişkileri olabilirdi. Ayrıca, Kürt hareketini ‘siyaseten yönlendirmek’ niyetindeydi. Küçük, Kürt meselesinde kendi deyimiyle ‘devletin zihnini açıyordu’! Sık sık,’bizim devletimiz bana gelinceye kadar Kürt ve PKK cahiliydi’ diyordu.
Bunlar bilinen şeylerdi. Herkesin bir hesabı vardı ve olacaktı. Kürt tarafı bunun farkındaydı ve o da kendi hesabını yapmıştı.
21 Ağustos 1998 günü Genelkurmay’dan yeni bir mesaj geldi. Mesajda , ‘basın üzerindeki ambargonun kaldırıldığı belirtiliyor, ateşkesin ilan edilmesinin beklendiği ‘söyleniyordu.
28 Ağustos’ta programı yaptık. Programa NTV, ATV, Hüriyet, Milliyet gibi gazetelerin temsilcileri katıldı. Yeni Özgür Politika gazetesine bu programın ayrıntılarını yazdım. Yıldıray Oğur’un yazısında da var. Sonuçta Öcalan, Genelkurmay’ın talep ettiği ateşkesi ilan etti.
Ancak 6 Eylül’de yaşanan beklenenin tam tersi bir gelişmeydi. Başbakan Mesut Yılmaz İsrail’e gitmişti. Netanyahu ve Yılmaz görüşmesinden sonrası yapılan basın toplantısında Yılmaz, ‘bölücü teröre verdiği destek’ sebebiyle Suriye’nin ‘düşman ülke’ olduğunu söylemişti.
Bu açıklamanın ardından Öcalan, ‘bu bir oyundur’ dedi. Ancak ateşkes ilan edilmişti. 14 Eylül günü Genelkurmay’dan bir mesaj daha geldi. Genelkurmay görüşmelere , ‘ikinci bir gelişmeye kadar’ son verdiğini söylüyordu.
1999-2002 dönemi
Sonrası biliniyor. Amerika’nın baskısı sonucu Öcalan Suriye’den çıkarıldı. Uluslararası düzeyde aylar süren baskı ve takipten sonra da Kenya’da yakalandı ve Türk devletine verildi. Bu sürede Karadayı emekli olmuş, yerine Kıvrıkoğlu gelmişti.
TSK-PKK görüşmeleri için emri Karadayı-Kıvrıkoğlu ekibi vermişti. Görüşmeler onların bilgisi dahilinde gerçekleşmişti. Öcalan İmralı’da avukatlarıyla yaptığı görüşmelerde orada da birçok kez kendisiyle Kıvrıkoğlu adına görüşüldüğünü söyledi. Kıvrıkoğlu-Ecevit ikilisinin çözüm konusunda samimi davrandıklarını da belirtti. Öcalan’a göre ‘Rahşan affı’ da başta bu amaçla gündeme gelmişti. Ancak daha sonra değiştirilmişti. Ayrıca Ecevit Hükümeti’nin tasfiyesi de bu meseleyle yakından ilgiliydi.
Öyle miydi, değil miydi bilemeyiz. Bildiğimiz; Türkiye’nin PKK’yle görüşmeye başladığı her dönem ciddi sarsıntılar geçirdiğidir. Bazı gözlemciler bu görüşmelerin ‘oyun’ olduğunu söylüyor. Bu kadar ‘oyun’ bana fazla geliyor. Ne de olsa bugün de geçmişten farklı bir şey yaşanmıyor.
Gazeteci
gunayaslan@hotmail.de
'Kürdistan' 100 yıl önce battı!
Bundan 100 yıl önce, henüz Türkiye diye bir devlet yokken, Manchester’dan Basra’ya doğru giden bir gemi Scilly Adaları güneyinde battı. Geminin adı Kürdistan’dı.
Saturday, July 10, 2010
Karayilan: We continue resisting, no matter if it takes a century
Wednesday, 07 July 2010 12:51
Qendil Mountains- The Defence Regions of Medya: Murat Karayilan the president of Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) stated that we are in a restricted self-defence position and have not exercised our full power yet.
Mr. Karayilan said that,” it is a warning position where we are standing now. If the state launches an incursion on the Defence Regions of Medya or any other part of Kurdistan then we break the chain and the situation will be completely different."
Karayilan further underlined that they are still supporting the line living with the people of Turkey on an equal and free basis and said “We will continue resisting, no matter if it takes a century. We cannot accept such dishonour; we cannot accept the assimilation policies on the Kurdish people. They will never be able to make us Turk.”
Since 1st June 2010 Kurdish problem entered a new phase. KCK Executive Committee had declared it by a public release. Following this declaration the clashes in Northern Kurdistan (Turkey) increased and spread all over to the Turkish regions such as Mediterranean, Black sea and the Marmara Regions. Turkish army has launched several air attacks on ‘The Defence Regions of Medya’, a region in northern Iraq controlled by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party). With the raise in the number of clashes the number of casualties has also increased.
All these recent developments brought the Kurdish problem on the top of the agenda, as the most crucial problem of Turkey and the whole region. While some are suggesting a military-security solution to the problem some other suggestions are new approaches such as holding the problem with its all dimensions. What about the KCK? How does the KCK see the recent developments and discussions?
ANF interview Murat Karayilan, the head of Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) Executive Council. Karayilan explained what “Democratic Autonomy Solution” means.
Interviewer: How do you evaluate the developments after 1st June 2010? What are the characteristics of this new era?
Karayilan: Our leadership and the movement have put great efforts for 18 years to develop a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue. Most recently on 13 April 2009 we declared a unilateral ceasefire which was ended on 1st June 2010. However, what we have seen is that the AKP government and the Turkish state have no intention to make peace with the Kurdish people. They insist on their assimilation policies on our people and they want the Kurds unconditionally surrender. Our leader Abdullah Ocalan has declared that he is still supporting a democratic solution and he passed the initiative to us. The responsibility of this new phase belongs to us. Nobody can blame our leadership for this.
Interviewer: Mr. Ocalan has said that he can be part of a solution if there are negotiations. For your movement what is the role of your leadership Ocalan? How do you see the discussions about this issue?
Karayilan: The role of our leadership is clear not only for our movement but also for the Kurdish people. As we have already underlined numberless times he is the leader of a people, he is the leader of the Kurdish people. His role is decisive for us. He said the 3rd phase is over and he will withdraw until he is recognised as an interlocutor and negotiations start. He did it in the face of denial and destruction policies of the AKP and the Turkish state.
We are a movement. We have a council, executive board and administration. We have been discussing for the last 6- 7 months how we can develop our own solution. Therefore, we decided to start a new phase. It was a necessity for us. If the state does not want to find a solution by negotiating with you then you have to find your own solution with your own dynamics. That is what we are doing now. Because the state does not want to solve the Kurdish problem but destroy the Kurdish people. This is a danger for our people. The AKP has rejected all our reasonable proposals. This means I do not want to make peace with you but to destroy you. This is the danger. We consider the phase as “protecting our existence as a nation and building a free life”. We are developing a solution and are ready to welcome the state if they want to be a part of the solution. If not, we will make it with our own dynamics.
Interviewer: There are some calls from NGO’s and some business unions for a ceasefire and stopping the military operations. How do you see these calls? Is a ceasefire possible in this phase? If yes, depending on what?
Karayilan: First of all I should say that following the call from the NGO’s in Diyarbakir in which they asked for a ceasefire from us and stopping the military operations from the state the Turkish media disseminated false, fabricated news. This is a big lie. We respect all the calls from the NGO’s both based in and out of Diyarbakir. They are coherent and balanced. However, making calls, itself does not suffice. A greater effort is needed. The framework proposed by the NGO’s is acceptable. If the state agrees on it too then we can start negotiations. On the one hand, the Turkish PM is calling NATO and waiting the US and despite all the tension with Israel, he is still sending delegations to Israel to buy Herons; this is the same with Syria and Iran. In order to destroy us they are holding security meetings one after another. One the other hand they are calling for a unilateral ceasefire. It does not make any sense. It is not acceptable. We have the power to resist the Turkish state, to stand on our own feet. All should be aware of this fact.
We are at a restricted self defence position. That means we have not exercised our full power yet. Because we are still of view of living together with Turkey and we are struggling for it. However, if the state as a result of these security meetings launches an incursion to the Defence Regions of Medya or any other part of Kurdistan then we break the chain and the situation will be completely different. We are following a well planned and organised self defence strategy. We gained experience during these years fighting in the mountains. We are limiting ourselves. It should not be thought that we are using all of our power. No, this is not our full power. Nobody should miscalculate. We are at a warning position. But if they insist on the deadlock, if they insist on the denial and destruction then the Kurdish people have the right to head other options. We have the power to resist. The palavers from the politicians saying that they had liquidated the PKK in 1999; this is their false theory. That time, upon the request from our leadership we withdrew out of the borders. It was a way of showing good faith. The Turkish state should not be deceived and think that it was something that they managed themselves.
Qendil Mountains- The Defence Regions of Medya: Murat Karayilan the president of Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) stated that we are in a restricted self-defence position and have not exercised our full power yet.
Mr. Karayilan said that,” it is a warning position where we are standing now. If the state launches an incursion on the Defence Regions of Medya or any other part of Kurdistan then we break the chain and the situation will be completely different."
Karayilan further underlined that they are still supporting the line living with the people of Turkey on an equal and free basis and said “We will continue resisting, no matter if it takes a century. We cannot accept such dishonour; we cannot accept the assimilation policies on the Kurdish people. They will never be able to make us Turk.”
Since 1st June 2010 Kurdish problem entered a new phase. KCK Executive Committee had declared it by a public release. Following this declaration the clashes in Northern Kurdistan (Turkey) increased and spread all over to the Turkish regions such as Mediterranean, Black sea and the Marmara Regions. Turkish army has launched several air attacks on ‘The Defence Regions of Medya’, a region in northern Iraq controlled by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party). With the raise in the number of clashes the number of casualties has also increased.
All these recent developments brought the Kurdish problem on the top of the agenda, as the most crucial problem of Turkey and the whole region. While some are suggesting a military-security solution to the problem some other suggestions are new approaches such as holding the problem with its all dimensions. What about the KCK? How does the KCK see the recent developments and discussions?
ANF interview Murat Karayilan, the head of Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan (KCK) Executive Council. Karayilan explained what “Democratic Autonomy Solution” means.
Interviewer: How do you evaluate the developments after 1st June 2010? What are the characteristics of this new era?
Karayilan: Our leadership and the movement have put great efforts for 18 years to develop a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue. Most recently on 13 April 2009 we declared a unilateral ceasefire which was ended on 1st June 2010. However, what we have seen is that the AKP government and the Turkish state have no intention to make peace with the Kurdish people. They insist on their assimilation policies on our people and they want the Kurds unconditionally surrender. Our leader Abdullah Ocalan has declared that he is still supporting a democratic solution and he passed the initiative to us. The responsibility of this new phase belongs to us. Nobody can blame our leadership for this.
Interviewer: Mr. Ocalan has said that he can be part of a solution if there are negotiations. For your movement what is the role of your leadership Ocalan? How do you see the discussions about this issue?
Karayilan: The role of our leadership is clear not only for our movement but also for the Kurdish people. As we have already underlined numberless times he is the leader of a people, he is the leader of the Kurdish people. His role is decisive for us. He said the 3rd phase is over and he will withdraw until he is recognised as an interlocutor and negotiations start. He did it in the face of denial and destruction policies of the AKP and the Turkish state.
We are a movement. We have a council, executive board and administration. We have been discussing for the last 6- 7 months how we can develop our own solution. Therefore, we decided to start a new phase. It was a necessity for us. If the state does not want to find a solution by negotiating with you then you have to find your own solution with your own dynamics. That is what we are doing now. Because the state does not want to solve the Kurdish problem but destroy the Kurdish people. This is a danger for our people. The AKP has rejected all our reasonable proposals. This means I do not want to make peace with you but to destroy you. This is the danger. We consider the phase as “protecting our existence as a nation and building a free life”. We are developing a solution and are ready to welcome the state if they want to be a part of the solution. If not, we will make it with our own dynamics.
Interviewer: There are some calls from NGO’s and some business unions for a ceasefire and stopping the military operations. How do you see these calls? Is a ceasefire possible in this phase? If yes, depending on what?
Karayilan: First of all I should say that following the call from the NGO’s in Diyarbakir in which they asked for a ceasefire from us and stopping the military operations from the state the Turkish media disseminated false, fabricated news. This is a big lie. We respect all the calls from the NGO’s both based in and out of Diyarbakir. They are coherent and balanced. However, making calls, itself does not suffice. A greater effort is needed. The framework proposed by the NGO’s is acceptable. If the state agrees on it too then we can start negotiations. On the one hand, the Turkish PM is calling NATO and waiting the US and despite all the tension with Israel, he is still sending delegations to Israel to buy Herons; this is the same with Syria and Iran. In order to destroy us they are holding security meetings one after another. One the other hand they are calling for a unilateral ceasefire. It does not make any sense. It is not acceptable. We have the power to resist the Turkish state, to stand on our own feet. All should be aware of this fact.
We are at a restricted self defence position. That means we have not exercised our full power yet. Because we are still of view of living together with Turkey and we are struggling for it. However, if the state as a result of these security meetings launches an incursion to the Defence Regions of Medya or any other part of Kurdistan then we break the chain and the situation will be completely different. We are following a well planned and organised self defence strategy. We gained experience during these years fighting in the mountains. We are limiting ourselves. It should not be thought that we are using all of our power. No, this is not our full power. Nobody should miscalculate. We are at a warning position. But if they insist on the deadlock, if they insist on the denial and destruction then the Kurdish people have the right to head other options. We have the power to resist. The palavers from the politicians saying that they had liquidated the PKK in 1999; this is their false theory. That time, upon the request from our leadership we withdrew out of the borders. It was a way of showing good faith. The Turkish state should not be deceived and think that it was something that they managed themselves.
Ocalan: Either A Solution or Revolution
Friday, 09 July 2010 14:10
IMRALI PRISON, Turkey – In his weekly visit of the lawyers which took place on Wednesday 7th July, the Kurdish national leader Mr. Abdullah Ocalan stated that if negotiations do not start then Kurdistan Revolution will extend. He also claimed that the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) cannot be destroyed with the professional army or any advanced technological weapons. Moreover, there is a risk that the clashes might escalate in cities. In that case everybody will lose but the state at most.
In the course of his lawyer visit in Imrali High Security Prison, Ocalan also reminded the basic conditions for a solution. A bilateral ceasefire, establishing Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and legal framework and constitutional guarantees. In regard to the statements of Ilker Bashbug, Chief of the Turkish General Staff, who told MP’s of the pro-Kurdish BDP to leave the parliament and go to mountains while criticising them for attending the funerals of Kurdish slain guerrillas, Ocalan said: “Bashbug is repeating himself. It is the reiteration of a tried but failed approach.”
The Kurdish national leader further stated that he finds it important that BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) is opening a representative office in Hewler (Arbil) the capital of Kurdistan Region in Iraq. “It is important to have representatives in Brussels or in Washington but most importantly in Hewler because the people there are our own people. It is even too late while more than 500 Turkish companies are already there.” added Ocalan.
Ocalan pointed out the autonomy for the Kurdish people as promised by Mustafa Kemal the foundering father of the Turkish republic and stated that: “The Kurds had played a vital role in the “Independence War” and this role found its place in 1921 Constitution. Mustafa Kemal promised autonomy for the Kurds. These promises can be found in the parliament reports. However, he neutralised by Ismet InonU and Fevzi Chakmak as well as British. The British had sacrificed the Kurds.”
The Kurdish national leader commended three suggestions which are as followed:
“I have three practical suggestions for the government, KCK (Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan) and BDP so that the Kurdish problem can be solved: First, there should be a bilateral ceasefire complied with by the both sides. Second, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission like it was established in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid. This commission should be composed of experts. A parliamentary commission can also be formed in which experts, intellectuals and NGO’s can take part. The commission can hear all the sides of the conflict including myself. Then they can find the truth out, share them with public opinion and then reconciliation can be reached. It is not as difficult as it looks. It worked in South Africa and there is no reason why it should not work here too. In a parallel way, the PKK forces can be gathered in a certain area under observation of an international organisation such as UN. They can wait there until a solution is found and then the thirds step comes.
The third, bringing the PKK guerrillas back home. Not like the one in Habur [Peace delegation sent by the PKK upon the request from Ocalan on 19 October 2009], but en masse. All the guerrillas can arrive together. The security aspect can be discussed with KCK. BDP can work on a democratic constitution and the other political parties can contribute it. It means if the problem solved with in a legal framework and under constitutional guarantee then the weapon can be laid down.
In regard to the assertion of groups who claim that Ocalan is trying to save himself, he said “Some are manipulating my position and suggesting that I am trying to save myself. These are thoughtless approaches. A process which I am not a part of cannot be successful. This is clear. I do not have an aim of saving myself. If there is a salvation then it will be for all of us.”
Ocalan criticized the government along with the Turkish main political parties and said; “A peace process negotiations should be held. And if it does not happen then revolution starts which I explained in my previous meeting. And once they start they are uncontrollable. Turkey is confronted by such a risk. It should not be seen that I am giving tactics to the PKK in order to increase the conflict. What I am doing is evaluating the facts because the PKK has its own methods. I am sorry for soldier deaths as much as I am sorry for the guerrilla deaths. I endeavor to prevent these deaths. Neither CHP nor MHP not the fake Islamists can solve this issue. They are still talking about operations, bombardments, killings. The PKK cannot be destroyed with professional army or technological weapons. There are still Kurds all over joining the PKK. Moreover, there is a risk that the clashes might escalate in cities. And if the war escalates then there will be radical groups from both sides which can make the problem more complicated and unsolvable. In that case, everybody loses but the sate at most.”
IMRALI PRISON, Turkey – In his weekly visit of the lawyers which took place on Wednesday 7th July, the Kurdish national leader Mr. Abdullah Ocalan stated that if negotiations do not start then Kurdistan Revolution will extend. He also claimed that the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) cannot be destroyed with the professional army or any advanced technological weapons. Moreover, there is a risk that the clashes might escalate in cities. In that case everybody will lose but the state at most.
In the course of his lawyer visit in Imrali High Security Prison, Ocalan also reminded the basic conditions for a solution. A bilateral ceasefire, establishing Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and legal framework and constitutional guarantees. In regard to the statements of Ilker Bashbug, Chief of the Turkish General Staff, who told MP’s of the pro-Kurdish BDP to leave the parliament and go to mountains while criticising them for attending the funerals of Kurdish slain guerrillas, Ocalan said: “Bashbug is repeating himself. It is the reiteration of a tried but failed approach.”
The Kurdish national leader further stated that he finds it important that BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) is opening a representative office in Hewler (Arbil) the capital of Kurdistan Region in Iraq. “It is important to have representatives in Brussels or in Washington but most importantly in Hewler because the people there are our own people. It is even too late while more than 500 Turkish companies are already there.” added Ocalan.
Ocalan pointed out the autonomy for the Kurdish people as promised by Mustafa Kemal the foundering father of the Turkish republic and stated that: “The Kurds had played a vital role in the “Independence War” and this role found its place in 1921 Constitution. Mustafa Kemal promised autonomy for the Kurds. These promises can be found in the parliament reports. However, he neutralised by Ismet InonU and Fevzi Chakmak as well as British. The British had sacrificed the Kurds.”
The Kurdish national leader commended three suggestions which are as followed:
“I have three practical suggestions for the government, KCK (Democratic Confederation of Kurdistan) and BDP so that the Kurdish problem can be solved: First, there should be a bilateral ceasefire complied with by the both sides. Second, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission like it was established in South Africa after the abolition of apartheid. This commission should be composed of experts. A parliamentary commission can also be formed in which experts, intellectuals and NGO’s can take part. The commission can hear all the sides of the conflict including myself. Then they can find the truth out, share them with public opinion and then reconciliation can be reached. It is not as difficult as it looks. It worked in South Africa and there is no reason why it should not work here too. In a parallel way, the PKK forces can be gathered in a certain area under observation of an international organisation such as UN. They can wait there until a solution is found and then the thirds step comes.
The third, bringing the PKK guerrillas back home. Not like the one in Habur [Peace delegation sent by the PKK upon the request from Ocalan on 19 October 2009], but en masse. All the guerrillas can arrive together. The security aspect can be discussed with KCK. BDP can work on a democratic constitution and the other political parties can contribute it. It means if the problem solved with in a legal framework and under constitutional guarantee then the weapon can be laid down.
In regard to the assertion of groups who claim that Ocalan is trying to save himself, he said “Some are manipulating my position and suggesting that I am trying to save myself. These are thoughtless approaches. A process which I am not a part of cannot be successful. This is clear. I do not have an aim of saving myself. If there is a salvation then it will be for all of us.”
Ocalan criticized the government along with the Turkish main political parties and said; “A peace process negotiations should be held. And if it does not happen then revolution starts which I explained in my previous meeting. And once they start they are uncontrollable. Turkey is confronted by such a risk. It should not be seen that I am giving tactics to the PKK in order to increase the conflict. What I am doing is evaluating the facts because the PKK has its own methods. I am sorry for soldier deaths as much as I am sorry for the guerrilla deaths. I endeavor to prevent these deaths. Neither CHP nor MHP not the fake Islamists can solve this issue. They are still talking about operations, bombardments, killings. The PKK cannot be destroyed with professional army or technological weapons. There are still Kurds all over joining the PKK. Moreover, there is a risk that the clashes might escalate in cities. And if the war escalates then there will be radical groups from both sides which can make the problem more complicated and unsolvable. In that case, everybody loses but the sate at most.”
Thursday, July 1, 2010
Syria detains 400 Kurdish rebels in raids -agency
01 Jul 2010 10:59:22 GMT
Source: Reuters
ISTANBUL, July 1 (Reuters) - Syrian security forces detained 400 people in five cities in Syria in an operation against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) separatist guerrilla group, Turkey's state news agency Anatolian said on Thursday.
Turkey has sought the support of its neighbours in the region and the United States in its fight against the outlawed group, which has killed more than 50 Turkish soldiers in the last two months in escalating violence.
Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, facing public anger at the government's inability to stem the rising violence ahead of next year's elections, has called on allies to cut off funds for the rebels and extradite suspected militants to Turkey.
The PKK is active in Turkey's impoverished southeast as well as Syria and in Iran through an offshoot called the Party of Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK).
Syria and Turkey came to the brink of war in 1998 over Syrian support for the PKK, but political and trade ties between Ankara and Damascus have warmed since then.
The PKK also has bases in northern Iraq, where Turkey and the United States have agreed to share intelligence on the group's activities. Washington and the European Union, like Ankara, consider the PKK a terrorist organisation.
The PKK has stepped up attacks on the military after calling off its one-year truce on June 1, accusing the government of failing to find a political resolution to the 26-year conflict. Four Turkish soldiers were wounded on Wednesday in a PKK attack in Van in the southeast. [ID:nLDE65T1H1]
The AK Party's efforts to expand cultural and political rights for Turkey's Kurdish citizens, which make up around 15-20 percent of the population, was met with hostility in parliament and lost Erdogan political capital in nationalist circles.
The PKK took up arms against Turkey in 1984 in a bid to carve out an independent Kurdish state in southeast Turkey, and more than 40,000 people, mainly Kurds, have died in the war. (Writing by Thomas Grove; Editing by Louise Ireland)
Source: Reuters
ISTANBUL, July 1 (Reuters) - Syrian security forces detained 400 people in five cities in Syria in an operation against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) separatist guerrilla group, Turkey's state news agency Anatolian said on Thursday.
Turkey has sought the support of its neighbours in the region and the United States in its fight against the outlawed group, which has killed more than 50 Turkish soldiers in the last two months in escalating violence.
Turkey's Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, facing public anger at the government's inability to stem the rising violence ahead of next year's elections, has called on allies to cut off funds for the rebels and extradite suspected militants to Turkey.
The PKK is active in Turkey's impoverished southeast as well as Syria and in Iran through an offshoot called the Party of Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK).
Syria and Turkey came to the brink of war in 1998 over Syrian support for the PKK, but political and trade ties between Ankara and Damascus have warmed since then.
The PKK also has bases in northern Iraq, where Turkey and the United States have agreed to share intelligence on the group's activities. Washington and the European Union, like Ankara, consider the PKK a terrorist organisation.
The PKK has stepped up attacks on the military after calling off its one-year truce on June 1, accusing the government of failing to find a political resolution to the 26-year conflict. Four Turkish soldiers were wounded on Wednesday in a PKK attack in Van in the southeast. [ID:nLDE65T1H1]
The AK Party's efforts to expand cultural and political rights for Turkey's Kurdish citizens, which make up around 15-20 percent of the population, was met with hostility in parliament and lost Erdogan political capital in nationalist circles.
The PKK took up arms against Turkey in 1984 in a bid to carve out an independent Kurdish state in southeast Turkey, and more than 40,000 people, mainly Kurds, have died in the war. (Writing by Thomas Grove; Editing by Louise Ireland)
Does Iraq Have Secret Deals With Its Neighbors On Kurdish Rebels?
By Ron Synovitz
The outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) has been carrying out a threat to launch attacks within Turkish cities following the deployment of Turkish forces along the border with Iraq -- where PKK militants have established hideouts.
June 22, 2010
The last major ground incursion into northern Iraq by Turkish troops in their fight against Kurdish militants was in February 2008.
But now, with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) staging a comeback in Turkey, having recently launched a series of deadly attacks in Istanbul and in the country's southeast, the prospects of a fresh offensive against Kurdish bases in northern Iraq by Turkey's military is growing.
Turkey's military chief, General Ilker Basbug, said on June 22 that he would not rule out the possibility of a new major cross-border offensive against Kurdish militants in northern Iraq.
Basbug's comments come as pressure mounts on Ankara to rein in violence that has been escalating, once again, in the mainly Kurdish southeast of Turkey and along the border with Iraq.
Already, elite Turkish commando units have rappelled from helicopters to mountain positions along the Iraqi border while infantry in armored personnel carriers have been blocking escape routes used by Kurdish militants.
Also on the Turkish side of the border, government troops have been closing in on bands of militants who have fortified themselves on the slopes of two mountains -- Kupeli and Cirav -- in Simak Province.
The PKK said earlier this month that it was scrapping its year-old unilateral cease-fire and resuming attacks against Turkish forces because of military operations against them.
On June 22, suspected Kurdish rebels detonated a remote-controlled bomb in Istanbul that killed four people on a bus carrying military troops and their families.
That follows an attack during the weekend by Kurdish guerrillas that killed 11 Turkish soldiers -- one of the deadliest confrontations for Turkish forces for years in their three-decade war against the PKK.
Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's remarks during a memorial ceremony on June 20 for the slain Turkish soldiers was vitriolic and suggested more military operations are planned.
"They will dry in their own swamp and they will drown in their own blood," Erdogan said. "We have never fallen into intimidation and we will never fall. We have never given up hope and we never will. We have never surrendered to the spiral of violence and we never will in the future."
Turkish warplanes often have bombed Kurdish rebel hideouts in northern Iraq without any forceful response from Baghdad or the government of the Iraqi Kurdish region.
Turning A Blind Eye?
The prospects of another Turkish ground offensive into northern Iraq highlight what appears to be complicit silence on the part of Iraqi leaders about military incursions that simply would not be tolerated farther south.
Meanwhile, recent military operations by Iranian forces against Kurdish rebels in northern Iraq suggests Iraqi and Kurdistan Regional Government officials may have a similar tacit agreement with Tehran about dealing with Kurdish militants.
Iran's Shi'ite government has had its own confrontations with Iranian minority Sunni Muslim Kurds in western Iran.
To be sure, each country in the region has its own goals regarding the Kurdish question. Turkish officials tell RFE/RL privately that Ankara wants a government in Iraq that is "all inclusive" while Iranians are focused on supporting just a Shi'ite government in Iraq.
Nevertheless, what emerges is a scenario suggesting that Baghdad and Kurdish Iraqi officials may be willing to turn a blind eye to national sovereignty concerns as long as incursions by its neighbors are targeting a common foe.
"This all goes back a long way. Back in the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein ruled in Baghdad, there were also understandings and hot-pursuit agreements by which Turkey was able to deal with its insurgency problem by attacking bases of the Kurdish insurgents in Iraq," said Hugh Pope, director of the Turkish Project of the nongovernmental International Crisis Group. "Sometimes it does it in collaboration with Iran, historically. Sometimes it has accused Iran of helping them. Currently, it seems to be in a more cooperative mood with Iran on this particular Kurdish urgent issue."
Baghdad and Iraq's Kurdish regional officials refuse to comment on the existence of such agreements with Turkey or Iran.
But the current president of the Iraqi Kurdish region, Masud Barzani, visited Ankara on June 2 to discuss what authorities described as "security issues." In Ankara, Barzani met with Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan, President Abdullah Gul, and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu.
Presumed Limits
Agreements to allow "hot pursuit" incursions would be secret deals rather than overt treaties that are debated publicly by elected lawmakers, Pope said.
"Any agreements on these questions [involving Kurdish militants] are usually secret and between the intelligence and militaries of the countries involved," Pope said. "There was a period of explicit Syria-Iranian-Turkish collaboration on what to do about the Kurdish question. I haven't seen that explicitly followed up in recent years. So I think anything that is going on is done very secretly between the armed forces and intelligence agencies of the countries involved."
Pope said such secret agreements usually are limited in scope and time.
"These alliances come and go, but the one thing I think you will find is constant in the approach of regional states to the Kurdish question is that they will tend to prefer to act to suppress insurgent movements," he said. "There are times, of course, where some states have backed Kurdish insurgents against each other. But I think that is not the case at the moment."
The PKK was founded in the late 1970s as a separatist organization fighting for Kurdish independence in southeastern Turkey. More than 40,000 people have been killed in that struggle -- an overwhelming majority of them Kurds.
The group is listed as a terrorist organization by the United States, the United Nations, NATO and the European Union.
That provides a legal loophole under international law for so-called "hot pursuit" agreements in which countries allow cross-border police or military operations in order to chase down fleeing criminals, militants, or terrorists.
:: Article nr. 67277 sent on 23-jun-2010 04:53 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=67277
Link: www.rferl.org/content/Does_Iraq_Have_Secret_Deals_With_Its_Neighbors_On_Kurdish_
Rebels/2079414.html
:: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this website.
The outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) has been carrying out a threat to launch attacks within Turkish cities following the deployment of Turkish forces along the border with Iraq -- where PKK militants have established hideouts.
June 22, 2010
The last major ground incursion into northern Iraq by Turkish troops in their fight against Kurdish militants was in February 2008.
But now, with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) staging a comeback in Turkey, having recently launched a series of deadly attacks in Istanbul and in the country's southeast, the prospects of a fresh offensive against Kurdish bases in northern Iraq by Turkey's military is growing.
Turkey's military chief, General Ilker Basbug, said on June 22 that he would not rule out the possibility of a new major cross-border offensive against Kurdish militants in northern Iraq.
Basbug's comments come as pressure mounts on Ankara to rein in violence that has been escalating, once again, in the mainly Kurdish southeast of Turkey and along the border with Iraq.
Already, elite Turkish commando units have rappelled from helicopters to mountain positions along the Iraqi border while infantry in armored personnel carriers have been blocking escape routes used by Kurdish militants.
Also on the Turkish side of the border, government troops have been closing in on bands of militants who have fortified themselves on the slopes of two mountains -- Kupeli and Cirav -- in Simak Province.
The PKK said earlier this month that it was scrapping its year-old unilateral cease-fire and resuming attacks against Turkish forces because of military operations against them.
On June 22, suspected Kurdish rebels detonated a remote-controlled bomb in Istanbul that killed four people on a bus carrying military troops and their families.
That follows an attack during the weekend by Kurdish guerrillas that killed 11 Turkish soldiers -- one of the deadliest confrontations for Turkish forces for years in their three-decade war against the PKK.
Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's remarks during a memorial ceremony on June 20 for the slain Turkish soldiers was vitriolic and suggested more military operations are planned.
"They will dry in their own swamp and they will drown in their own blood," Erdogan said. "We have never fallen into intimidation and we will never fall. We have never given up hope and we never will. We have never surrendered to the spiral of violence and we never will in the future."
Turkish warplanes often have bombed Kurdish rebel hideouts in northern Iraq without any forceful response from Baghdad or the government of the Iraqi Kurdish region.
Turning A Blind Eye?
The prospects of another Turkish ground offensive into northern Iraq highlight what appears to be complicit silence on the part of Iraqi leaders about military incursions that simply would not be tolerated farther south.
Meanwhile, recent military operations by Iranian forces against Kurdish rebels in northern Iraq suggests Iraqi and Kurdistan Regional Government officials may have a similar tacit agreement with Tehran about dealing with Kurdish militants.
Iran's Shi'ite government has had its own confrontations with Iranian minority Sunni Muslim Kurds in western Iran.
To be sure, each country in the region has its own goals regarding the Kurdish question. Turkish officials tell RFE/RL privately that Ankara wants a government in Iraq that is "all inclusive" while Iranians are focused on supporting just a Shi'ite government in Iraq.
Nevertheless, what emerges is a scenario suggesting that Baghdad and Kurdish Iraqi officials may be willing to turn a blind eye to national sovereignty concerns as long as incursions by its neighbors are targeting a common foe.
"This all goes back a long way. Back in the 1980s, when Saddam Hussein ruled in Baghdad, there were also understandings and hot-pursuit agreements by which Turkey was able to deal with its insurgency problem by attacking bases of the Kurdish insurgents in Iraq," said Hugh Pope, director of the Turkish Project of the nongovernmental International Crisis Group. "Sometimes it does it in collaboration with Iran, historically. Sometimes it has accused Iran of helping them. Currently, it seems to be in a more cooperative mood with Iran on this particular Kurdish urgent issue."
Baghdad and Iraq's Kurdish regional officials refuse to comment on the existence of such agreements with Turkey or Iran.
But the current president of the Iraqi Kurdish region, Masud Barzani, visited Ankara on June 2 to discuss what authorities described as "security issues." In Ankara, Barzani met with Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan, President Abdullah Gul, and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu.
Presumed Limits
Agreements to allow "hot pursuit" incursions would be secret deals rather than overt treaties that are debated publicly by elected lawmakers, Pope said.
"Any agreements on these questions [involving Kurdish militants] are usually secret and between the intelligence and militaries of the countries involved," Pope said. "There was a period of explicit Syria-Iranian-Turkish collaboration on what to do about the Kurdish question. I haven't seen that explicitly followed up in recent years. So I think anything that is going on is done very secretly between the armed forces and intelligence agencies of the countries involved."
Pope said such secret agreements usually are limited in scope and time.
"These alliances come and go, but the one thing I think you will find is constant in the approach of regional states to the Kurdish question is that they will tend to prefer to act to suppress insurgent movements," he said. "There are times, of course, where some states have backed Kurdish insurgents against each other. But I think that is not the case at the moment."
The PKK was founded in the late 1970s as a separatist organization fighting for Kurdish independence in southeastern Turkey. More than 40,000 people have been killed in that struggle -- an overwhelming majority of them Kurds.
The group is listed as a terrorist organization by the United States, the United Nations, NATO and the European Union.
That provides a legal loophole under international law for so-called "hot pursuit" agreements in which countries allow cross-border police or military operations in order to chase down fleeing criminals, militants, or terrorists.
:: Article nr. 67277 sent on 23-jun-2010 04:53 ECT
www.uruknet.info?p=67277
Link: www.rferl.org/content/Does_Iraq_Have_Secret_Deals_With_Its_Neighbors_On_Kurdish_
Rebels/2079414.html
:: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this website.
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